PRESS RELEASES
July
08, 2005
| Press Release Responding to a PIL, the Calcutta High Court on April 30, 1998 ordered the Union Government to "launch a vigorous inquiry as a special case for the purpose of giving an end to the controversy" surrounding Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose's "disappearance". The Court also observed that "no serious effort in this behalf (the disappearance) has been made" by the Government. The Government of the day did not contest the ruling; and there were widespread demands to inquire the matter afresh. Still nothing happened till Atal Bihari Vajpayee took over as the Prime Minister. After a careful perusal of facts, the NDA Government decided to form a commission. The Government's notification dated April 14, 1999 stated that an "in-depth inquiry" into this "definitive matter of a public importance" was necessary. On the Chief Justice of India's suggestion, Justice MK Mukherjee, a retired judge of the Supreme Court, was made the Chairman of the new Commission of Inquiry. The Government's notification, based verbatim on the Court's order, outlined the following terms of references to be inquired into by the Commission:
The earlier two panels headed by ex-INA man Shah Nawaz Khan, a Congress MP at the time of his appointment in 1956, and retired High Court judge GD Khosla had concluded, without ever verifying facts in Taiwan, that Netaji had died after a plane crash in Taipei on August 18, 1945. His body was ceremoniously cremated in Taipei and the ashes were taken to Tokyo's Renkoji temple. Shah Nawaz Committee also advised the Government to bring "Netaji's ashes" to India.
The status of the Mukherjee Commission's inquiry is as follows: 1. Evidence made available to the Commission by the Taiwan Government shows that there is no proof whatsoever of the alleged August 1945 crash and the disposal of victims' bodies. Records pertaining to that period have recently been sent to the Commission via Ministry of External Affairs. The results of the inquiries by the Americans, who occupied Taiwan in September 1945, and the British, who facilitated an inquiry even in 1956, are apparently the same. Japan has not provided any conclusive records or information to the Commission. 2. In the light of the enclosed Under Office note "D/S 13170" dated 2.12. 1954 from the secret PMO file "23 (II)/56-57 PM-INA Treasure" the then Minister of External Affairs, Prime Minister Nehru himself, received "the ashes and other remains of the late Shri Subhas Chandra Bose" the mystery of the disappearance further deepens. This disclosure is most shocking as we all know that the alleged ashes of Netaji are "officially" presumed to be in Tokyo's Renkoji temple. One wonders why and under what circumstances the so-called "ashes and other remains" of Netaji were brought to India? Why the people of India, Netaji's family and the inquiry panels were not informed? Where were these "ashes and other remains" kept and where they are at present? Whose ashes are lying in Renkoji temple? It is also intriguing that despite Justice Mukherjee's repeated requests, a DNA test on the ashes presently kept in Renkoji temple has not been carried out. Given the indications that Netaji did not die in 1945 and that the ashes kept in Renkoji temple may not be his (Points 'b' and 'c' of the terms of reference), it is vital to find out whether Netaji died "in any other manner at any other place" (Point 'd'). Exploring this angle is most urgent to put to an end a horrendous theory that has been doing rounds for decades. Unlike the previous panels, the Mukherjee Commission wants to explore the Soviet connection to the mystery so assiduously explained before them by Dr Purabi Roy of Jadavpur University. Dr Roy collected in Russia the informations that Netaji was very much alive after his death. She was certainly not alone in thinking so. Two former MPs met a Russian general who told them that he had seen a classified 1946-vintage Soviet Cabinet paper discussing a "living" Netaji. One of the MPs confirmed this account to the Mukherjee Commission on oath. Incidentally, a retired engineer told the Commission that he too came to know in Russia that Netaji had been put up in a Siberian camp in late 1940s. When he went to our Embassy to report, he was threatened. The Commission is certainly not been heeding to heresy; they appear to possess official papers in this regard. Notwithstanding that the Commission had been planning to go to Russia, the Union Cabinet late last year decided to not to give any further extension to them beyond May 14 this year. This amounted to scuttling the inquiry. Why was this decision made? From where did the proposal originate? Had the Government been allowed to have their say, the Commission would have been forced to give an incomplete report. And who knows such a report, like Justice Phukan's report, would not have been rejected outright? It was at this stage that Dr Murli Manohar Joshi took up this matter of extreme national and historical importance with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The Government realised its folly and, overturning its decision, extended the tenure of the Commission. The Commission was slated to visit Russia in July. But in the absence of any response from the Government they intend to examine some Russian witnesses as well as pursue records lying in various archives. To help the proceed in August in order to examine Commission, the Government must offer all assistance. Dr Purabi Roy was told of the existence of certain clinching records pertaining to Netaji in Russia which could only be accessed after a request for the same was made by our Government. The Government, therefore, would be doing its duty by requesting the Russian Government to make available to the Commission all the informations they have regarding Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. I have also requested the PM to take immediate steps for approaching the Russian government at the highest level. |
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